The relevance of the concepts of local syntactic selection and constraints on locally selected dependents in modeling how arguments are syntactically realized has been virtually unchallenged and is assumed to be universal. ...

This paper addresses a phenomenon in which certain word-parts can be omitted. The evidence shows that the full range of data cannot be captured by a sublexical analysis, since the phenomena can be observed both in ...

Previous HPSG accounts of extraction blur the distinction between valents and adjuncts by allowing verbs to lexically control the modifiers that combine with their phrasal projections. However, assuming that adjuncts ...

The Russian data presented in Perlmutter and Moore (2002) seem to call into question the standard analysis of raising within Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG): In Russian, the case marking of the raising ...

An important contrast between most current syntactic frameworks and Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar or Lexical Functional Grammar (hereafter HPSG and LFG respectively) is the common insistence of the latter two on the ...

This paper shows that the Gerund Phrase (GP) in the Spanish Gerund Construction (e.g., El jefe entr´o a su oficina corriendo, lit. ‘The boss entered his office running’) is sometimes a complement (in SGCC) and sometimes ...

Several analysis of Coordination of Unlikes have been proposed within the HPSG framework. In some of these approaches the possible combinations of ‘unlike categories’ are encoded in the grammar, while other accounts resort ...

This paper discusses a coordination construction that occurs in Russian in which constituents with different syntactic functions and different thematic roles are conjoined. These conjuncts are co-arguments of the same ...

Coordination in Japanese poses various puzzles which defy the standard notion of syntactic category. On the one hand, one can conjoin structures which one usually would not expect to form any constituent, and on the ...

This paper begins with a presentation of a split in the morphosyntactic behavior of two suffixing subject pronominal paradigms in Turkish in section 1. In section 2, we argue that this split is a result of one paradigm ...